Recommendation and personalization algorithms almost always use a user’s past behavior as a guide to predicting content. That is very useful--and creates ad efficiency--for sellers of specific products and services purchased by specific consumers.
But it is not a completely beneficial practice, in some instances.
When algorithms leverage user data, such as search history, clicks, purchases, and interactions or dwell time with content, to tailor results and recommendations, they also create echo chambers and filter bubbles for content related to ideas, news and information useful for citizens (not as consumers).
That might not be an issue for advertisers selling niche, specialty or inherently-targeted products, or the users who have those interests. Suppliers selling products for surfers--and surfers--might not care at all about echo chambers or filter bubbles.
The issues are more acute for news and information related to citizens rather than consumers. In such cases, past behavior can mean that users are exposed to a limited range of information that aligns with their existing beliefs and preferences. And we can argue that this is generally unhelpful for civic life.
So filter bubbles and echo chambers arguably are not much of an issue for advertisers. The same cannot be said for news and information providers whose products supposedly are designed to inform the public; deal with truth; and do so in fair and balanced ways.
What is not so clear is how algorithms can be redesigned to counteract such issues. In principle, algorithms might be deliberately designed not to respond so directly to user behavior, perhaps by increasing “serendipity” into recommended content (recommending content that is unrelated to a user's typical preferences).
That might work better for social media or other news content than e-commerce; worse in the legal or medical domain; arguably better for food, travel, hospitality recommendations. Serendipitous content might help or might not, for advertisers.
When the objective is the largest-possible audience, it might not matter what the specific content happens to be. If the objective is to reach a defined buying public, content will matter more.
And perhaps some elements of the traditional journalistic profession’s emphasis on fairness and balance could help as well, such as the necessity of “showing both sides” or multiple viewpoints and using multiple sources.
It might also be possible to enhance transparency and provide some measures of user control. For example, it might be possible to give users more control over their recommendations, such as the ability to opt out of personalized content or request alternative viewpoints.
In some cases it might be possible to use a broader contextual approach, such as embracing the broader context of user queries and recommendations and avoiding overly-narrow personalization.
Of course, these sorts of techniques may run counter to the targeting features that have driven advertisers to highly-personalized content and venues. What made personalized content and venues so compelling for advertisers was the belief that they provided a more-efficient way to reach likely buyers of any product.
To the extent that less reliance on past behavior influences content presentation, it might also reduce the “personalization” that advertisers prefer.
But that is less an issue--if an issue at all--for advertisers selling products and services. The problems are centered on news and information deemed important for people as citizens, not consumers.