Showing posts sorted by date for query Nielsen. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query Nielsen. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Saturday, April 18, 2026

Not Even the NFL will be Immune to Supply and Demand Forces

For sports viewing and revenues, as with any other product, supply and demand do matter. 


Huge demand will tend to find a supply, no matter how much the government tries to do about it, while falling demand will lead to changes in supply. And that might already be happening. 


So it likely will be with the Federal Communications Commission’s inquiry into sports broadcasting rights


No matter what regulatory tweaks the FCC might pursue in its ongoing sports broadcasting inquiry, live sports rights will remain extraordinarily valuable, at least in the short term. 


source: BCG 


But long term might be quite another story. Regional sports networks already are feeling the strain as a combination of cord cutting and a shift to streaming are threatening the market.


And global sports rights, though growing, are expected to slow. 


source: Deloittte 


A few categories seem better protected, though. Between 2014 and 2024, the top 10 sports properties increased their global media rights value 113 percent, from roughly $15 billion to $32 billion, while the rights of the next 20 properties grew from about $5 billion to $7 billion, or about 40 percent.


High-demand content (NFL, the Olympics, Super Bowl, FIFA World Cup, March Madness finals) might retain a premium. Other content might see less demand and value. 


source: BCG 


The problem is the long term. Short form social media increasingly seems favored by younger viewers, displacing viewership of “full games.”


Study

Year

Key Finding

Link

YouGov Global Sports Survey (via Boston Brand Media)

2023

Only 31% of sports fans aged 18–24 watched live full-length matches, vs. 75% of fans aged 55+

bostonbrandmedia.com

Morning Consult — Gen Z & Sports

2022–23

Gen Z's overall interest in sports remains significantly below older generations; only 53% of Gen Z identify as sports fans vs. 69% of millennials; nearly half had never attended a live professional game

morningconsult.com

Vizrt Viewer Engagement Survey

2023

67% of Gen Z prefer watching sports on their phones vs. 23% of Gen X; 37% access all sports content via mobile only

vizrt.com

eMarketer / Third-Party Data (via eMarketer)

2024

Viewers over 50 are 50% likely to watch an entire game start to finish; viewers under 25 are only 30% likely to do so

emarketer.com

MediaPost / Nielsen "Total TV Dimensions 2024"

2024

Median age of linear TV sports viewer rose from 44 (1995) to 55 (2023), growing 25% vs. 15% population growth

mediapost.com

BCG — Beyond Media Rights

2026

Younger viewers watch fewer minutes of games on both broadcast and OTT; they consume sports via near-live social clips and YouTube highlights rather than full games

bcg.com

GWI Sports Viewership Trends

2025

Share of 16–24 year-old European sports fans watching highlights/recaps online weekly grew 22% since Q2 2024; only 27% of total sports fans watch full games on TV weekly

gwi.com

Deloitte — Re-imagining Media Rights

2025

Short-form sports content on YouTube grew 45% in 2024, totaling 35 billion hours; media rights growth rate slowing from 7.1% CAGR (2014–19) to ~2.7%

deloitte.com

YYZSportsMedia / NBA Data

2024

40% of Gen Z prefer watching highlights over full games; NBA traditional viewership down 19–25% year-over-year

yyzsportsmedia.com

Georgetown Law Tech Review

2024

Viewers aged 18–34 spend 60% of TV time streaming vs. 18% for viewers 65+; cable viewership dropped below 50% of total TV usage for the first time in July 2023

georgetownlawtechreview.org


Generation Z (roughly ages 10 to 28) is less likely to watch live games in full, and far more likely to consume sports through short, on-demand snippets. 


A recent global survey found that just 31 percent of sports fans aged 18 to 24 watched live full-length matches, compared to 75 percent of fans aged 55 or older:


Whether the FCC has much leeway to change matters is debatable. Even if the problem is fragmentation of the viewing experience, as well as higher costs, so long as demand exists, costs will climb. 


U.S. football fans wanting to watch every National Football League game must currently spend between $935 and $1,500 annually for full NFL access across 10 services, for example. 


That speaks to the demand. And that means distributors will continue to drive up the underlying costs of such premium content that ultimately get passed along to consumers, at least in the short term. 


The FCC’s inquiry) is narrowly focused on fragmentation, consumer access to free over-the-air broadcasts, and whether current rights deals hinder local stations’ public-interest obligations. 


It does not grant the agency authority to cap rights fees, rewrite league contracts, or dictate how much distributors (broadcast, cable, or streaming) are willing to pay. 


The FCC cannot “fix this” because sports rights are determined in a competitive open market where leagues auction scarce live inventory to the highest bidders.


Live professional and major college sports have structural advantages that set them apart from almost any other programming:

  • scarcity and live appeal that make them one of the last reliable “water-cooler” events in a fragmented media landscape

  • premium demographics (affluent, hard-to-reach male viewers)

  • monopoly-like supply (leagues control their own content and can sell rights collectively.


Much public policy chatter is about theater and perception, so we should not be surprised when government officials say they want to “do something” about a problem. 


But there is a “problem” sports team owners do face. 


Every time a league sells a new exclusive window to a new platform, two things happen:

  • total rights revenue goes up

  • the number of fans who can actually watch goes down. 


Up to this point, that tradeoff was tolerable because the revenue gains far outweighed the audience losses. But a problem remains: advertising revenues are built on audiences. 


So, eventually, subscription and rights revenue gains are possibly balanced by losses of advertising revenue as audiences fragment. 


If the assumption is that fans would follow the product wherever it went, paying whatever they had to, that theory now begins to be tested. FCC rules will not affect that new test of supply and demand. 


Rights fees are not absorbed by networks; they are recovered through the consumer’s wallet in one form or another:

  • streaming and cable bundles

  • broadcast networks (advertising costs are passed along to consumers in product prices)

  • subscriptions or ad costs are still paid for by consumers. 


The problem perhaps is not “older viewers” for whom watching their favorite team play is not discretionary. It is the younger viewers who never developed the habit who are the problem. 


At what point might disinterest finally begin to prick the balloon of rights payments? If younger viewers are not interested in watching live sports, what happens to the business model?



Monday, March 16, 2026

Netflix Versus YouTube an Example of Industry Boundaries Crumbling

I have not in the past viewed YouTube as Netflix’s most important rival, largely because of the distinction between consumer behavior related to short-form and long-form video, much as I once viewed social media and “professional media” as indirect competitors. 


But technology disruption often leads to market disruption and rearrangement. And so it appears we can make the argument that the key competitor for Netflix is not cable TV or Disney or another long-form streaming service, but YouTube, an app we all have long associated with user-generated content. 


This can happen because technology collapses boundaries between roles in a value chain. 


When the cost of performing a function falls dramatically, firms that historically occupied different layers of the stack can, by choice or circumstance, suddenly become competitors.


Technology Change

Industry Boundary That Collapsed

New Competitors That Emerged

Incumbent Industry

Example Firms

Internet search and digital advertising

Media vs. technology platforms

Search engines competing for ad revenue

Newspapers, magazines, TV

Google vs. The New York Times Company

Streaming video distribution

Cable networks vs. software platforms

Streaming services competing with TV networks

Cable and broadcast TV

Netflix vs Comcast

Smartphones and app stores

Device maker vs. software platform vs. media distributor

Phone companies competing for content distribution

Media distribution

Apple vs. Disney

Cloud computing

Enterprise IT vendors vs. infrastructure providers

Hyperscalers competing with enterprise software vendors

Enterprise software

Amazon Web Services v.s Oracle

Ride-sharing apps

Transportation company vs. software platform

App platforms competing with taxi fleets

Taxi industry

Uber vs. traditional taxi operators

E-commerce logistics platforms

Retailer vs. logistics provider

Retail platforms competing with delivery companies

Retail + parcel delivery

Amazon vs. UPS

Digital payments

Banks vs. software companies

Technology firms competing with banks

Retail banking

PayPal vs. JPMorgan Chase

Online travel platforms

Travel agencies vs. software marketplaces

Online platforms competing with hotel distribution

Travel agencies

Booking Holdings vs. hotel chains

Social media platforms

Media publishers vs. social platforms

Platforms competing for audience attention and ad budgets

Media companies

Meta Platforms vs. news publishers

Electric vehicles + software

Automakers vs. software companies

Software companies entering mobility

Auto manufacturers

Tesla vs. legacy automakers

Smart home platforms

Consumer electronics vs. home services

Platforms competing with appliance makers and utilities

Appliance manufacturers

Google (Nest) vs. Honeywell

Generative AI

Software tools vs. knowledge work

AI models competing with software products and service firms

SaaS, consulting, creative services

OpenAI vs. enterprise software vendors



When the cost of performing a function falls dramatically (because of computing, networks, AI, logistics platforms, etc.), firms that historically occupied different layers of the stack can become competitors.


In the case of Netflix and YouTube, there is only so much time available to people, and media consumption is no different. So all media compete with all others for attention. 


In that sense, both YouTube and Netflix are bigger direct competitors in the sense that both compete for the same scarce resources: time on the TV screen, advertiser budgets and cultural attention.


One has to get past the differences of business models and content format.


Recent Nielsen “The Gauge” data shows YouTube as the top streaming app on TV sets in the United States, with around 12 to 13 percent of total TV usage versus roughly eight percent for Netflix. So on the dimension of “time,” they are competitors, if still mostly indirect.

Advertisers see both as desirable venues.


And both are expanding into each other’s turf: Netflix is adding ads, live events and creator‑style formats, while YouTube hosts full‑length movies and TV and invests in higher‑end production and living‑room viewing, blurring the old “user-generated content versus Hollywood” characterization.

YouTube commands enormous daily time spent, with average global usage around 50 minutes per day per user on social platforms, and it leads all streaming apps in total TV watch time in the United States, which directly overlaps with Netflix’s engagement metric of hours viewed.


Short‑form vs long‑form content preferences have in the past been differentiators between Netflix and YouTube (“how each earns its revenue”), but as television and digital video ad budgets shift away from traditional TV, every dollar is now effectively a choice between YouTube, Netflix, and a shrinking set of legacy media apps.


So a greater degree of direct competition in the future seems inevitable, as different as the two providers have been, historically. 


But that also is a good example of how technology disruption leads to market disruption, including the creation of new competitors in established businesses as well as new competition between contestants formerly seen as operating in different parts of the market. 


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