Tuesday, September 11, 2018

50 Million Fixed Wireless Accounts Added Over the Last 5 Years

“As wireless broadband technology develops in leaps and bounds, the connection cost per megabit for 4G has been reduced to about four percent of that for 3G,” Houlin Zhao, International Telecommunication Union Secretary-General at the The Telecom World 2018 conference in Durban, South Africa.

“Over the past five years 50 million households and many small- to medium-sized enterprises, schools, and hospitals have accessed the Internet through fixed wireless broadband,” he said. “In the next three to five years, wireless technology is expected to become an important means of raising the broadband penetration rate from 17 percent to 50 percent in developing countries.”

Saturday, September 8, 2018

Is Mobile Service Not "Telecommunications?"

Using the same logic as apparently used by a U.S. district court, and upheld by a court of appeals, mobile phone service might not be "telecommunications," and therefore might not be governed by common carrier regulation.

It is not clear whether that applies only to a "legacy free" mobile service or especially applies to any mobile service using IP in the core of the network and then converts to other protocols at the edge, with the processing at the edge.

You might think the United States resolved--decades ago--the question of whether VoIP is an information service--and therefore unregulated--or a telecommunications service, and therefore regulated. Maybe not.

The argument is “in the weeds” of policy, and is not as straightforward as you might think. At issue are fundamental views about whether “what” gets done is controlling, possibly “where” or “by whom” or “how” something gets done is paramount.

Under the Telecommunications Act of 1996, a “telecommunications service” is “the offering of telecommunications for a fee directly to the public, or to such classes of users as to be effectively available directly to the public, regardless of the facilities used,” as noted in 47 U.S.C. § 153(53).

That is the “what gets done” being paramount.

An “information service,” on the other hand, is  “the offering of a capability for generating, acquiring, storing, transforming, processing, retrieving, utilizing, or making available information via telecommunications, . . . but does not include any use of any such capability for the management, control, or operation of a telecommunications system or the management of a telecommunications service.

That is a version of the “what gets done” view. New court decisions by a district court and appeals court suggest that “where” something gets done, or by whom,  also matters.

Clear as mud, you might agree. But all that matters because “telecom” services are regulated differently than information services. In U.S. law, information services are covered by Title I, while telecom is a utility regulated under Title II of the Communications Act of 1934, which was amended by the Telecom Act of 1996. More weeds.

U.S. telecom law has tended to be viewed through the “what gets done” lens.

“If it walks like a duck, it’s a duck.” That adage actually describes the general line of thinking that federal level regulators have followed whenever technology transitions happen in the “telecommunications” (common carrier) industry.

But a new issue is raised by a Minnesota district court, and affirmed by an appeals court: if protocol conversion is an attribute of a “data service,” and if such protocol conversion happens in customer premises equipment, then a regulated telecom service is a non-regulated data service.

That arguably is a new line of reasoning, compared to the “what is being done?” view. What some might see as the key import of the case--federal preemption--might arguably not be the long term importance of the case. The district court and appeals court have ruled that Charter’s VoIP service is an instance of “information services,” not “telecommunications.”

“The touchstone of the information services inquiry is whether Spectrum Voice acts on the consumer’s information—here a phone call—in such a way as to ‘transform’ that information,” the appeals court says. That is significant.

The court essentially argues that “what is done” (data processing) controls, not the “intent” of the actions (voice communications). Perhaps significantly, the district court relies on an understanding of the difference between “network” and “customer premises equipment” in its logic.

Essentially, since the CPE voice gateway is doing protocol conversion at the edge, the bits transformed are not acted upon “in the network.” The court reasons that this makes a voice session analogous to any other internet operation where edge to edge communications, but not network control, are involved. Weeds, weeds, weeds.

But there are big implications.

If performing the conversion from TDM to IP inside a customer’s home is sufficient to convert a telecommunications service into an information service, as the district court has reasoned, then any other service provider could, in principle, greatly reduce its regulatory burden simply by moving converter boxes (where protocol conversions happen) inside customers’ homes.

And if legacy-free communications to mobile phones, for example, were to use the same logic, then mobile voice is not communications either, and for the same reasons. Protocol conversion happens at the edge device, not in the network.

At least conceptually, the courts’ logic suggests that mobile phones might also be akin to cable telephony CPE. And therefore likewise not “telecommunications” services.

A simple change of physical location would transform what used to be telecommunications services to information services. Experts say the FCC never has specifically ruled on protocol conversions, or where those protocol conversions occur.

In general, federal regulators looking at new technology in the telecom industry have followed a rule that essentially assumes that the purpose of a platform and its use by customers dictates its nature. In other words, if phone calls start and terminate on edge devices “as calls,” then no matter what happens in the network, those operations are “phone calls” for purposes of regulation.

Were that not the case, every major introduction of new technology (digital central office switches, packet switches, each new generation of mobile networks) would be cause to reexamine regulatory formats.

Three decades ago, for example, big questions were raised about whether voice over Internet Protocol should be regulated the same way as time division multiplex telecom services, or whether VoIP was a data service that should be unregulated. By the mid-2000s, the rule became settled: interconnected VoIP services (phone calls to phone devices) are “telecommunications,” not information services.

To make a long story short, regulators have settled on the notion that when VoIP is used and sold as a telecommunications service (interconnected voice service), that is how it will be treated. When messaging or other forms of IP voice are used as a peer-to-peer app, such uses have continued to be seen as unregulated information services.

But another period of potential rulemaking seems to be arising again. A district court and appeals court has ruled that VoIP is an information service essentially challenging the prior notion that VoIP is a telecommunications service.

“The district court ruled that Charter’s VoIP service is an ‘information service’ under the Telecommunications Act and that state regulation of Charter’s VoIP services was therefore preempted. Because we agree with the district court, we affirm,” the appeals court has ruled.

One might think we have settled the issue of how to regulate VoIP, but the Minnesota Public Utilities Commission and Charter Communications disagree. The MPUC wanted to regulate “Charter Advanced,” the business unit that offers the VoIP service, as a “telecommunications service.” That is rather something many had assumed was settled decades ago.

Charter argues that its service “Spectrum Voice” is an “information service” under the Telecommunications Act of 1996. That then leads to the notion that Spectrum Voice cannot be regulated by the PUC.

The court actions are a shock. They conflict with federal policy and therefore will have to be resolved, again, by a higher court. One has to assume that the principle of federal preemption will be invoked again.

In the past, new technology has raised issues about state level versus federal level regulations, among them the argument that “50 different sets of laws” will inhibit the supply of advanced new technology. The result, in such cases, has tended to be federal preemption of state-level rules.

The appeals court decision almost has to be appealed to the Supreme Court, as the recent decisions once again raise issues, not only about jurisdiction (who gets to decide?) but on the fundamental issue of whether voice is an information service, for purposes of regulation, or a telecommunications service.

I thought that issue--whether VoIP is an information service or telecom service--was settled some decades ago. Perhaps the Supreme Court will agree that, indeed, the issue has been settled. It might also happen that the U.S. Congress steps in, as is its right, to settle the issue legislatively.

There are several sets of issues: who has jurisdiction over VoIP and telecom services, and in what areas? Also, there is the fundamental issue of whether interconnected voice is a “telecom” service, with telecom regulatory rules, or an information service, with data services rules.

One attribute of information services are that protocol conversions happen. Cable companies argue they do this inside customer homes. Telcos tend to do so at central offices and other locations outside the home (IP in the middle, or network, but TDM to the home).

Many believe the current and possible ultimate decisions will have implications for network neutrality rules, as the Federal Communications Commission rules specifically state that the FCC’s rules preempt state rules on net neutrality. That is the jurisdiction issue.

What seems even more fundamental, though, is the issue of whether interconnected voice actually is an information service. That is a decision with profound implications. Since all voice services--interconnected or peer-to-peer--now use IP platforms, there now is at least an opening for a major reexamination of utility regulation for voice services generally.

There are huge institutional barriers to reconceiving voice services as “data services,” for purposes of regulation. For that reason alone, it seems unlikely we will see another major reexamination of how VoIP should be regulated (aside from jurisdictional issues).

But it is stunning to see such court decisions three decades after courts and regulators essentially settled the issue.

If It Walks and Quacks Like a Duck, is It a Duck?

“If it walks like a duck, it’s a duck.” That adage actually describes the general line of thinking that federal level regulators have followed whenever technology transitions happen in the “telecommunications” (common carrier) industry.

Were that not the case, every major introduction of new technology (digital central office switches, packet switches, each new generation of mobile networks) would be cause to reexamine regulatory formats.

Three decades ago, for example, big questions were raised about whether voice over Internet Protocol should be regulated the same way as time division multiplex telecom services, or whether VoIP was a data service that should be unregulated.

To make a long story short, regulators have settled on the notion that when VoIP is used and sold as a telecommunications service (interconnected voice service), that is how it will be treated. When messaging or other forms of IP voice are used as a peer-to-peer app, such uses have continued to be seen as unregulated information services.

But another period of potential rulemaking seems to be arising again. A district court and appeals court has ruled that VoIP is an information service, essentially challenging the prior notion that VoIP is a telecommunications service.

“The district court ruled that Charter’s VoIP service is an ‘information service’ under the Telecommunications Act and that state regulation of Charter’s VoIP services was therefore preempted. Because we agree with the district court, we affirm,” the appeals court has ruled.

One might think we have settled the issue of how to regulate VoIP, but the Minnesota Public Utilities Commission and Charter Communications disagree. The MPUC wanted to regulate “Charter Advanced,” the business unit that offers the VoIP service, as a “telecommunications service.” That is rather something many had assumed was settled decades ago.

Charter argues that its service “Spectrum Voice” is an “information service” under the Telecommunications Act of 1996. That then leads to the notion that Spectrum Voice cannot be regulated by the PUC.

The court actions are a shock. They conflict with federal policy and therefore will have to be resolved, again, by a higher court. One has to assume that the principle of federal preemption will be invoked again.

In the past, new technology has raised issues about state level versus federal level regulations, among them the argument that “50 different sets of laws” will inhibit the supply of advanced new technology. The result, in such cases, has tended to be federal preemption of state-level rules.

The appeals court decision almost has to be appealed to the Supreme Court, as the recent decisions once again raise issues, not only about jurisdiction (who gets to decide?) but on the fundamental issue of whether voice is an information service, for purposes of regulation, or a telecommunications service.

I thought that issue--whether VoIP is an information service or telecom service--was settled some decades ago. Perhaps the Supreme Court will agree that, indeed, the issue has been settled. It might also happen that the U.S. Congress steps in, as is its right, to settle the issue legislatively.

There are several sets of issues: who has jurisdiction over VoIP and telecom services, and in what areas? Also, there is the fundamental issue of whether interconnected voice is a “telecom” service, with telecom regulatory rules, or an information service, with data services rules.

Many believe the current and possible ultimate decisions will have implications for network neutrality rules, as the Federal Communications Commission rules specifically state that the FCC’s rules preempt state rules on net neutrality. That is the jurisdiction issue.

What seems even more fundamental, though, is the issue of whether interconnected voice actually is an information service. That is a decision with profound implications. Since all voice services--interconnected or peer-to-peer--now use IP platforms, there now is at least an opening for a major reexamination of utility regulation for voice services generally.

There are huge institutional barriers to reconceiving voice services as “data services,” for purposes of regulation. For that reason alone, it seems unlikely we will see another major reexamination of how VoIP should be regulated (aside from jurisdictional issues).

But it is stunning to see such court decisions three decades after courts and regulators essentially settled the issue.

Perhaps it is misplaced, but I am reminded of an adage coined by economist Hyman Minsky.


In other words, stability is destabilizing. Long periods of calm cause risk taking behavior that make the next downturn more violent. Paradoxically, instability is stabilizing, since it reduces the amount of risky behavior people and companies are willing to take.
Maybe our long period of stability in telecom regulation has created more pent-up instability. Certainly some of us might find the recent court decisions shocking.

Telecom regulation of VoIP has been that “If it walks like a duck, and quacks like a duck, it is a duck.” The Minnesota district court and appeals court rulings suggest the opposite.  

Friday, September 7, 2018

Mobile TV as Business Model Change

Mobile TV is part of a broader evolution of the subscription TV business model. Some have called this a shift to “TV as an app” (TV consumed over the top). And even when the revenue model is the same as linear TV (subscriptions), much else is different.

Two decades ago, “IPTV” mostly meant a different transmission format (digital rather than analog) and different suppliers (telcos rather than cable TV companies), but the same business model.

Today, the term IPTV has almost no meaning, as all video is digital, over every delivery platform.
For incumbents, the biggest change is that the subscription TV business is becoming much more open. Consumers used to “need” a specific decoder, supplied by a specific supplier, in order to watch their video.


These days, consumers often need nothing more than their smart TV, smartphone, their game console, tablet or PC to watch their subscription TV content, with no other equipment required.

That lessens the “lock in” to a specific supplier, eliminates the equipment rental charges and arguably reduces the scarcity value of the traditional linear video subscription.

That is among the important implications of the coming shift to mobile TV services. In one more major way, the TV subscription becomes an experience unshackled from a specific decoder, in some cases a specific supplier or network.

Some incumbents might still prefer to protect the older business model where possible. Some might note, for example, that Comcast’s Xfinity Stream app remains tethered to a linear Xfinity subscription. Others, including Verizon, AT&T or T-Mobile US, seem more inclined to cut their own cords, creating over the top alternatives not anchored to purchase of the legacy product.

As always, the concrete circumstances drive strategic choices. AT&T is the largest U.S. linear services provider, but its delivery platform is satellite, arguably the linear platform declining the fastest. Under those circumstances, forcing consumers to tie an OTT subscription to linear makes less sense.  For AT&T, the competition is Netflix and other streaming services, including real-time streaming.

For Comcast, with the second-biggest linear footprint, hanging on to as much of the linear base as possible makes more sense, given the importance of that revenue stream for Comcast.

For T-Mobile US, mobile video is more a way to add value to its internet access service (also becoming a replacement product for fixed network video-plus-internet bundles).

Advertising potential is the other revenue source that grows as customer scale grows.



Tuesday, September 4, 2018

Does a Fixed Network Monopoly Lead to Higher Prices?

Though it is counter-intuitive, “monopoly” internet access service (a single fixed network supplier) might be the best we can hope for, in many U.S. rural areas, and might not, in fact, provide consumer benefit that is worse than a two-provider market would supply.

And internet access prices and speeds, while perhaps not always ideal, are often the same in “monopoly” areas served by just a single provider, as prices are in areas with at least two providers.

Also, wireless providers already offer 25 Mbps service across virtually the entire U.S. market, and 5G will offer even more options.

That is not to say more investment, or more competition in the cabled networks infrastructure is not a good thing for consumers, where it is feasible to support it.

But single-supplier markets, especially in rural areas, often are the result of local market conditions that have a rational basis, and where multiple fixed network competitors might not be feasible.

In many rural areas, service is provided by a cooperative, which tells you quite a lot about how lightly-settled many rural areas are, and how difficult the business case can be.

internet access prices and speeds in single-provider markets are “the same” as prices in markets with two or more competitors, Federal Communications Commission’s Form 477 data from 2015 and 2016 suggests. That, at least, is the conclusion reached by a new study by Phoenix Center Chief Economist Dr. George S. Ford.

Most areas with less competition are rural areas, for obvious reasons: the business case for fixed network or mobile communications is toughest where density is lowest.  There are some 11 million census blocks in the United States with populations of less than 30 persons, on average. That is a difficult degree of density to support with any advanced cabled network, no matter what the physical media.

Since communications services in the U.S. market are provided almost exclusively by for-profit firms, return on investment does matter, and rural areas are where it is hardest to make the case for investment at all. That is why we subsidize rural communications: in the absence of subsidies, it is unclear whether any private actor would make the investment.

FCC data from 2014 showed that 38 percent of U.S. residents had access to more than one provider of broadband (using the definition of 25 Mbps downstream as a minimum) service, 51 percent had access to one provider, and 10 percent had no access to broadband service by a fixed network.

That definition excludes any internet access service below 25 Mbps. At year-end 2016, 92.3 percent of all Americans have access to fixed terrestrial broadband at speeds of 25 Mbps/3 Mbps, up from 89.4 percent in 2014 and 81.2 percent in 2012, according to the FCC.

That statistic ignores satellite access, which does offer 25 Mbps or faster speeds over virtually the entire United States, supplied by two providers. Using the 10 Mbps standard, fixed terrestrial service of 10 Mbps/1 Mbps is available to 96 percent of the population, according to the FCC.


Still, over 24 million residents (not households) still lack fixed terrestrial broadband at speeds of 25 Mbps/3 Mbps, Ford notes.

Still, looking only at Comcast and Charter Communications retail pricing for internet access, the prices are comparable whether those firms have competitors or not, Ford notes.

Also, in many of the nation’s rural areas, cooperatives offer broadband service, and in those areas there arguably is no business model for a second fixed network provider.

Nearly 57 percent of cooperative service territories (by population) are served only by the cooperative. Also, only 55 percent of the cooperatives customers have access to 25/3 Mbps broadband, Ford notes.

The point is that the business model--especially in rural areas where cooperatives are the norm--might not support competitive supply.

Mobility as a Service Has IoT, Mobile, Smart City Implications

It is hard to envision any flexible, multi-mode transportation system supporting on-demand choice that is not based, fundamentally, on use of smartphones and apps. Nor is it hard to envision the role that could be played by smart city systems that contribute parking, congestion, transit schedules and price information, plus all available modes of transportation, right now.

You might argue that public transit and other for-hire transportation systems have been the full extent of Mobility as a Service (MaaS), primarily seen as a way of increasing public transit ridership and reducing traffic on the road. That might not be the case in the future, and that also will raise questions about investments in public transit , as use of public transit is falling in most major U.S. cities. In fact, ridership has been dropping for three years.

“The fundamental problem is that big-box transit--moving people in 60-passenger buses, 450-passenger light-rail trains or 1,500-passenger heavy-rail or commuter-rail trains--no longer works in American cities,” notes Randal O’Toole, Transportation Policy Center at the Independence Institute director.

So some argue that ridesharing and other new forms of transportation are part of the solution. And it goes without saying that such new forms of transportation will likely rely on use of smartphones and open data to enable real-time choosing of how to get from one point to another point, using all available means of transport.


In many parts of the United States, however, MaaS competes not with public transit, but with car ownership.  in 2017, consumer vehicles in service had reached a 64 percent penetration of the U.S. population, the highest of any country.

So in many cities and urban areas, users need to be convinced that MaaS is a suitable replacement for private car usage, not public transit.

Urban transport solutions in dense environments are easier to envision. In such cases, ridesharing, ridesourcing, use of bikesharing, other modes of conveyance, public transit and all other forms of on-demand transportation, integrated into a single platform, are conceivable.

Access to shared data platforms would allow users to determine the best route and price across several end-to-end travel services and modes, according to real-time data such as traffic conditions, time of day and demand, for example.

It is not yet clear whether MaaS reduces, increases or essentially simply shifts the total amount of traffic on city roads. Obviously, the hope is that MaaS could reduce traffic and pollution. But it is fair to say nobody yet knows what might happen if a fully-developed MaaS system were put into place.

New S&P Communications Index: 50% is Alphabet and Facebook

In December 2018, a major reorganization of the Standard and Poors Global Industry Classification System (GICS) will eliminate the “Telecommunication” sector of the system, and replace it with a new “Communication Services” sector whose biggest components--by equity value--will be Alphabet and Facebook.

And that, as much as anything, tells you how “communications” has changed, even if the move is prompted by other issues, such as the paucity of firms in the old Telecommunication index.

The communication sector will include stocks from the information technology,  consumer-discretionary, and telecom service provider areas. Alphabet, at 32 percent, will be the biggest entity in the index, followed by Facebook at 18 percent. Comcast, AT&T and Verizon will represent about eight percent each.

Disney and Netflix, at about six percent each, will also be in the index. But one might note that about half the value of the index is represented by Alphabet and Facebook.


Such numbers are among the reasons why many observers believe the old “connectivity revenues” business has to be augmented, in a powerful way, by involvement in new segments of the internet ecosystem. That is true for tier-one service providers in the retail business, but obviously might not be true for the many specialist roles within the connectivity business overall.

Such moves almost certainly will involve growth by acquisition, as organic growth alone will not suffice to replace perhaps half of all current revenue within a decade. In part, that is because legacy connectivity services revenues are flat or declining; in part because revenue per unit is declining; in part because those declines outpace the rate at which brand-new revenue sources can be created and grown, internally. Marginal cost pricing does not help, either.

Nor, in principle, can it be discounted that, eventually, connectivity providers will be potential acquisition targets themselves.  

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