Wednesday, June 24, 2026

Does Generative AI Use Stunt Cognitive Skill Development in Children?

We might still not know whether using generative artificial language models has any negative effect on cognitive skills, but Norway believes elementary school children should not be using it, and has banned it. 


Some studies suggest possible danger, but still inconclusive.


Study

Population

Key Finding

Relevance to Elementary Students

Bastani et al. (2025)

Nearly 1,000 high-school math students

Students using a standard GPT-4 tutor performed better while AI was available, but later performed 17% worse when AI access was removed. Researchers concluded that AI can become a "crutch" that impairs learning if poorly designed. (Scale)

Indirect evidence; suggests similar risks for younger learners who may rely heavily on AI assistance.

MIT Media Lab study (2025)

Adults (18–39) writing essays

AI users showed lower brain engagement, weaker memory of their own work, and reduced independent performance compared with non-AI users. Findings remain preliminary and are not specific to children. (MIT News)

Raises concerns that habitual AI use may reduce cognitive effort during learning tasks.

UNESCO (2023/2026 update)

Policy review

Warns that overreliance on generative AI may compromise the development of intellectual and social skills. Recommends age-appropriate use and safeguards. (UNESCO)

Directly discusses risks for children and recommends restrictions and human oversight.

Jaemarie Solyst et al. (2024)

26 middle-school girls

Participants initially showed substantial overtrust in ChatGPT outputs. Exposure to AI errors reduced that trust. (arXiv)

Suggests children may have difficulty evaluating AI-generated information critically.

Systematic review of generative AI in elementary education (2025)

Review of studies from 2020–2025

Found potential benefits but noted limited evidence, concerns about dependence, misinformation, and the need for teacher supervision. (Shanti Bhuana Journal)

One of the few reviews focused specifically on elementary education.


The emerging evidence points to three main concerns:

  • Reduced productive struggle

  • Learning often requires effortful practice, problem solving, and making mistakes.

  • If AI supplies answers too quickly, students may skip the cognitive processes that build durable understanding. The high-school math study provides the strongest experimental evidence for this concern. (Scale)

  • Cognitive offloading

  • Researchers describe a phenomenon where people rely on external tools instead of developing internal knowledge and reasoning skills.

  • Recent MIT findings suggest heavy AI assistance may reduce engagement and memory formation during learning activities. (MIT News)

  • Overtrust and misinformation

  • Children may be particularly vulnerable to accepting AI-generated content as authoritative.

  • Studies of young users show that they can initially place excessive trust in chatbot outputs. (arXiv)


But the evidence is not one-sided:

  • Some studies find that AI tutors can substantially improve learning when designed to guide students through reasoning rather than simply provide answers. (Scale)

  • The strongest "harm" findings generally occur when AI acts as an answer machine rather than a scaffold for thinking. (Scale)

  • There is currently little direct experimental evidence involving elementary school children, so claims that generative AI definitely impairs learning in that age group remain tentative. Most experts argue that the impact depends heavily on how AI is designed and supervised. (UNESCO).


Current research does not show that generative AI inevitably harms elementary-school learning. 


However, several studies and policy reviews suggest that unsupervised or answer-focused AI use may impair skill development, critical thinking, and knowledge retention, particularly when students rely on it instead of engaging in the learning process themselves.


The strongest evidence so far comes from older students, while evidence specific to elementary-aged children remains limited and is still developing. (Scale). 


Are Happy Workers More Productive? Maybe, Sometimes.

Most of us instinctively assume that “happy” workers must be more productive, and while that can be true, it might often be the case that even happy workers are not necessarily more productive. 


Happiness seems to matter more for some jobs than others, especially knowledge work, creative work, sales, and customer-facing roles.


But there are lots of other issues, ranging from poor management to misaligned goals, skills or incentives.


Study

Sample / Method

Key Finding

Andrew J. Oswald, Eugenio Proto, and Daniel Sgroi (2015)

Controlled experiments

Workers randomly induced into a happier mood were about 12 percent more productive than controls. Evidence supports a causal effect from happiness to productivity. (Chicago Journals)

"Happy Productive Worker" research synthesis (2025)

Review of 33 studies across 27 countries

Overall evidence supports a positive relationship between worker happiness and productivity, though effect sizes vary by occupation and measurement method. (Springer)

Gallup Q12 Meta-analysis

736 studies, 100,000+ teams, 2.7 million employees

Employee engagement is strongly associated with higher productivity, profitability, retention, customer satisfaction, and lower absenteeism. (Gallup.com)

Software Developer studies (Graziotin et al.)

Programming tasks and developer surveys

Positive emotional states correlate with higher self-assessed productivity and better cognitive performance. (arXiv)

Positive Feedback study (2023)

Professional workers in real environments

Positive feedback improved subsequent performance; negative feedback generally did not. (arXiv)


Many workplace studies suffer from a classic problem: are people productive because they are happy, or happy because they are productive? In other words, is there a causal relationship, and, if so, in what direction?


Several mechanisms appear repeatedly in the literature, but they do not all have to do with “happiness.”


Mechanism

Effect on Productivity

Better concentration

Fewer errors

More energy

Higher output

Greater persistence

Less quitting when tasks become difficult

Better collaboration

More effective teamwork

More creativity

Better problem-solving

Lower stress

Improved cognitive performance

Lower absenteeism

More hours worked


These effects tend to matter most where human judgment is important, in a few situations:

  • Knowledge Work (Engineers, consultants, researchers, designers, analysts, and software developers appear particularly sensitive to emotional state because productivity depends heavily on cognition and creativity. (arXiv

  • Sales and customer service (Positive moods can improve interactions with customers, influencing sales and retention, as the experience is, in many ways, the product)

  • Team-Based Work (engagement and morale can affect coordination and cooperation (Gallup.com). 


So even if good advice is to attempt to creation environments where workers are happy, there are lots of other input variables, where the goal is higher productivity.


But “productivity” is not directly produced by:

  • friendly culture

  • generous benefits

  • satisfied employees. 


Many startups, investment banks, law firms, and military organizations have historically produced high output despite significant stress and only moderate happiness.


Likewise, some comfortable organizations generate little value.

The evidence suggests that engagement is often a better predictor than simple happiness.


If “happiness” is "I feel good," then engagement is "I care about this work."


An employee can be:

  • happy but disengaged

  • engaged but stressed

  • both engaged and happy. 


Research generally finds that engagement is more closely tied to organizational performance than simple job satisfaction, according to Gallup.com.


So the causal chain is not so much “happy workers are productive workers,” but something more like “competent workers, meaningful work, supportive management and positive well-being lead to higher productivity. 


An interesting economic observation is that happiness often functions less like a direct production input and more like a multiplier on human capital.

For example:

Worker Type

Skill Level

Happiness Effect

Routine factory task

Moderate

Small-to-moderate

Call center worker

Moderate

Moderate

Salesperson

High

Significant

Software engineer

High

Significant

Research scientist

Very high

Very significant


Happy workers are more likely to be productive, especially in knowledge-intensive jobs, but productivity depends on a broader combination of skills, incentives, engagement, management quality, and organizational design. Happiness helps, but it is not sufficient by itself.


Tuesday, June 23, 2026

Regulation and Deregulation Both Make Sense, at Different Times in an Industry's Lifecycle


In 1948, the Supreme Court ruled that five studios had monopolized the American film industry. Paramount, Warner Bros., MGM, RKO, and Fox owned the theaters that showed their own movies.


The court ordered them to sell.


For the next 72 years, the Paramount Consent Decrees kept the studios apart.


In August 2020, a federal judge terminated the decrees. The reasoning was that the market had changed beyond recognition.


Streaming had replaced theaters as the primary distribution channel. The studios were no longer dangerous monopolists. They were struggling incumbents.


Six years later, Paramount and Warner Bros. are merging. The deal is worth $111 billion including debt. The Justice Department approved it on June 12, 2026.


Two of the five studios that the Supreme Court forced apart are coming back together voluntarily. Not because they are too powerful, but because they are too weak to survive alone.


It’s a familiar story. Regulation is often designed to solve a specific market structure problem (monopoly power, natural monopoly characteristics, or high barriers to entry). 


Over time, technology, globalization, new business models, and substitute products can eliminate the original source of market power. Regulations that once made sense may then become unnecessary, counterproductive, or even protective of incumbents.


Industry

Original Monopoly Concern

Regulatory Response

What Changed?

Why Regulation Became Less Necessary

Railroads (1880s)

Railroads often held local transportation monopolies

Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 and creation of the ICC

Trucks, highways, pipelines, barges, airlines emerged

Railroads lost their transportation monopoly and faced extensive intermodal competition. The ICC was ultimately abolished in 1996. (PBS)

Airlines (1938–1978)

Fear that airlines would become monopolies and require centralized route and fare control

Civil Aeronautics Board regulated routes, prices, and entry

Industry matured; economists found regulation often restricted competition rather than promoting it

Congress passed the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978, eliminating most economic regulation. (Congress.gov)

Long-distance telephone service

AT&T dominance in national telephony

Rate regulation, entry restrictions, antitrust oversight

Fiber optics, microwave transmission, wireless networks, internet communications

Long-distance became highly competitive and prices collapsed. (Investopedia)

Telephone equipment

AT&T controlled devices connected to the network

FCC restrictions and later interoperability rules

Standardized interfaces and competitive equipment markets

Consumers now freely purchase phones and network devices from many suppliers. (WIRED)

Telegraph

Western Union's dominance

State and federal oversight of messaging services

Telephone, fax, email, messaging apps

Telegraph market essentially disappeared; monopoly concerns vanished with the technology itself.

Trucking (mid-20th century)

Concern about destructive competition and market concentration

ICC regulation of routes and pricing

Improved logistics, highways, nationwide competition

Most economic regulation was removed in the late 1970s and early 1980s. (LegalClarity)

Natural gas transportation

Pipeline monopolies in some regions

Extensive price and transportation regulation

Competitive gas production, spot markets, interstate trading hubs

Many pricing controls were relaxed as markets became more competitive.

Stock trading commissions

Dominant exchanges could maintain fixed commissions

SEC oversight and fixed-rate structures

Electronic trading and competing exchanges

Fixed commissions were abolished in 1975 ("May Day"), leading to intense competition.

Broadcast television

Scarce spectrum created limited competition

FCC ownership and content regulations

Cable TV, satellite TV, streaming services, internet video

The original scarcity rationale weakened substantially.

Local newspapers

Dominant local print monopolies

Special antitrust accommodations and ownership rules

Internet advertising, social media, digital news

Many newspaper monopolies disappeared due to competition from digital substitutes.


In the case of the studios, massive changes in the video and movie business make older restrictions unnecessary. 


Television was an alternative to “going to the movies, and therefore a threat. But studios discovered:

  • TV licensing created new revenue

  • Old film libraries became valuable assets

  • Syndication emerged as a lucrative business. 


The additional changes in distribution (cable TV, home video, streaming) likewise emphasized the role of content ownership and creation for studios, even as new distributors emerged to capture value. 


Era

Largest Value Capture

Theater

Studios + theaters

Broadcast TV

Networks

Cable TV

Cable operators

DVD

Studios

Streaming

Platforms


Among the new issues with streaming is the importance of distribution versus “discovery,” as “scarcity value” migrates. 


Era

Scarce Resource

Theaters

Screens

Broadcast TV

Spectrum

Cable TV

Channel capacity

DVD

Shelf space

Streaming

Consumer attention


Frequently, the substitute products and competitors come from “outside” an industry’s chosen domain. 


Perhaps the classic example is railroads believing they were in the trains business, when they were actually in the transportation business. The substitutes did not come from inside the “railroad” business but from outside. 


Product

Apparent Monopoly

Important Substitute

Railroads

Railroads

Trucks, barges, airlines

Long-distance calls

AT&T

Mobile, VoIP, messaging apps

Broadcast TV

Local stations

Cable, satellite, streaming

Newspapers

Local newspaper

Internet and social media

Taxi medallions

Local taxis

Ride-sharing platforms

Video rental stores

Blockbuster

Streaming services



Each major distribution innovation created new winners, weakened existing gatekeepers, and shifted where revenue accumulated:

  • broadcast television

  • cable television

  • home video

  • DVD

  • streaming. 


Era

Dominant Distribution

Key Gatekeeper

Main Revenue Source

1920s–1950s

Movie theaters

Theater chains

Ticket sales

1950s–1980s

Broadcast TV

TV networks

Advertising

1980s–2000s

Cable TV

Cable operators

Subscription fees + advertising

1980s–2010s

VHS/DVD

Retailers & studios

Unit sales/rentals

2010s–present

Streaming

Streaming platforms

Subscriptions

Emerging

AI-assisted distribution

Platforms & recommendation engines

Subscription + advertising + commerce


The point is that “where” monopoly danger exists will shift with time. And so must the regulatory concern.  Emerging industries might need one pattern. Declining industries virtually always need another: preventing concentration early; encouraging it in the industry decline phase.


Does Generative AI Use Stunt Cognitive Skill Development in Children?

We might still not know whether using generative artificial language models has any negative effect on cognitive skills, but Norway believes...