The U.S. Federal Appeals Court reviewing whether the Federal Communications Commission currently has authority to create or enforce "network neutrality" rules has not yet ruled.
But initial questioning suggests the court questions whether the Federal Communications Commission has current jurisdiction to write, much less enforce, net-neutrality rules for the Internet. So some legal observers now suggest the appeals court will in fact rule that the FCC had not authority to sanction Comcast for the way it managed peer-to-peer services.
A 2008 FCC order forced Comcast to stop throttling BitTorrent applications as a means of managing network congestion.
U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit Jude Raymong Randolph pointed out to an FCC attorney that “you have yet to identify a specific statute.”
Since the Congress has passed no laws relating to network neutrality, the FCC had, and has, no authority to take action on the matter, the judge seems to suggest.
A ruling of that sort would at least temporarily delay any new efforts by the FCC to codify new network neutrality rules, and shift the battle over such rules to the Congress.
FCC Chairman Julius Genachowski has argued the agency has authority to set net neutrality rules because of the "Internet Freedoms Principles" set in 2005, which say that users have the right to use lawful applications, which P2P is, though the use of P2P sometimes includes transfers of copyrighted content without permission.
But Comcast argues it has the right to manage its network, which it interprets as permitting rate limiting of P2P services, when necessary to preserve user experience and relieve congestion.
To be sure, the specific issue at hand seems primarily about whether the FCC’s decision was improper for statutory reasons, as Congress has not given the FCC legislative permission to create such rules, observers say.
On a wider legislative front, some observers think the White House is dialing back its efforts to get "strong" network neutrality rules adopted. The evidence is indirect, but some point to the late-October resignation of of Susan Crawford, University of Michigan law professor, previously a key adviser to the president on technology and communications, and a proponent of "strong" network neutrality rules.
According to the American Spectator, Crawford's version of Net neutrality was too radical for White House economic adviser Lawrence Summers, contributing to her early departure. If that observation is correct, it would be a sign that any new rules would not strictly ban "every" form of packet prioritization.
Many observers note that quality of service measures typically are needed when users want to interact with important video or voice services, especially as video already has become the primary driver of bandwidth consumption on a global level.
Those observers also would note that strict versions of net neutrality, that would absolutely ban any packet prioritization, would prevent Internet access providers from applying prioritization on behalf of their users, even when those users might specifcially ask for, and desire, such prioritization.
"Packet discrimination" sounds bad, and is, when it is used as a business weapon, allowing unfair competition. But packet discrimination is a good thing when it helps maintain quality of experience for the emerging applications users say are important, especially video and voice.
Also, at the recent Consumer Electronics Show, White House deputy CTO Andrew McLaughlin said the FCC had yet to determine whether Net neutrality is needed to preserve the "open Internet."
If that seems unremarkable, consider that in 2009 McLaughlin had said network management practices of cable companies that limited the speeds of large file downloads were essentially the same thing as Chinese-style Internet censorship.
Management of bandwidth-heavy applications by some users at times of network congestion is not application "blocking" or censorship. It is an effort to maintain quality of service for most users. Some methods will be more palatable than others.
The analogy is access to the old voice network. Telcos do not "censor" speech when, at times of peak load, a user might encounter a "fast busy" signal indicating that no circuits are available. The point is that every network gets congested at least some of the time.
And it always has been recognized that some method of regulating access at such times is a legitimate network management matter. In fact, a fast busy tone does mean a user has temporarily been "blocked" from the network. Sometimes a mobile voice call experiences the same sort of temporary blocking.
That sort of access blocking is not any suppression of freedom of communication or expression. It is not an infringement of Internet freedom. It is a simple way of managing a congested resource at times of peak load.
The immediate matter at hand, though, is the simple matter of legislatively-granted authority. The appeals court seems to be signaling its belief that Congress has granted the FCC no authority to impose rules about network congerstion management or methods of doing so.
